Dear HumanDHS network friends
Please find below the Common Ground Newsbulletin: 16-22 June 2009.
Kind regards
Brian Ward
Common Ground Newsbulletin: 16-22 June 2009
Inside this edition
Lebanese women want greater political representation
by Dalila Mahdawi
With only four women winning seats in the recent Lebanese municipal elections, Daily Star journalist Dalia Mahdawi considers what conditions must be met for increased female representation in the 2010 elections.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009)
Muslim women: no back doors, no back seats
by Seema Jilani
Seema Jilani, a physician and freelance journalist, reviews The Mosque in Morgantown, a documentary that chronicles the quest of Muslim American journalist Asra Nomani to achieve her vision of gender equality in a West Virginia Muslim community through the eyes of her own struggle for equality as a Muslim American woman.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009)
Feminist’s memoir will resonate with Indonesian youth
by Nur Amali Ibrahim
Nur Amali Ibrahim, a PhD candidate in anthropology at New York University, details the personal, professional and spiritual evolution of Neng Dara Affiah, one of Indonesia’s most well-known women’s rights activists.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009)
French patriotism shared across religious lines
by Jean-Pierre Filiu
Amidst vigorous debates on ethnic and religious diversity in France, Professor Jean-Pierre Filiu of the Institute of Political Studies in Paris highlights a recent poll that suggests most French Muslims support domestic values and institutions in the same proportion as their non-Muslim compatriots.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009)
~Youth Views~ Extending friendship at the national level
by Batuhan Görgülü
Batuhan Görgülü, a junior at Koç University in Turkey, considers how the shared understanding he developed with his “host brother” during an exchange visit to the United States can also be achieved between communities and nations.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009)
Lebanese women want greater political representation
Dalila Mahdawi
Beirut - It sees itself as one of the Middle East’s most liberal countries, but Lebanon’s lack of female politicians sticks out like a sore thumb. While Lebanese women today enjoy senior positions in the private sector, political appointments have all but eluded them.
Lebanese women were granted suffrage in 1953, yet to this day they face considerable obstacles entering politics in a country where political dynasties and patriarchy rule. Most women who do enter politics do so “wearing black”, filling a position made available by a deceased male relative. Two such examples are Myrna Boustani, who became the first Lebanese woman in parliament upon her father’s death, and Nayla Mouawad, who entered parliament after becoming a widowed former first lady of Lebanon.
But even when a female politician arrives in parliament without the help of tragedy – such as Bahia Hariri in 1992, well before the assassination of her brother and five-time prime minister, Rafic Hariri – it still seemed to be a requirement that she hail from a rich and traditionally political family. It is virtually impossible for independent, self-made women to enter the political arena.
Unfortunately, the issue of women’s political participation was only superficially addressed in the 7 June elections. The polls, which saw a Hizbullah-led opposition defeated by the March 14 coalition, were widely hailed as the most competitive in years; but out of 587 candidates only 12 were women, a figure that translates into a mere two percent. Even more deplorable is the fact that out of those 12, only four – Nayla Tueni, Bahia Hariri, Strida Geagea and Gilberte Zwein, each of them hailing from political dynasties – were elected to Lebanon’s 128-member parliament.
Lebanon’s instability has in the past helped drown out the voices calling for gender equality. Over the last, relatively problem-free 12 months, however, those voices have become louder and more persistent – most notably in a campaign to alter Lebanon’s discriminatory nationality law, which prevents Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese men from transferring their nationality to their husbands and children. Pressure has also been brought to bear on Beirut to amend discriminatory personal status laws and greater efforts to combat gender-based violence have been urged.
But during the run-up to elections, the closest the country came to a national debate on women’s role in politics was a slogan war between the opposition’s Free Patriotic Movement, who played on the well-known French saying, “Sois Belle et Tais-Toi” (Be Beautiful and Shut Up) with their “Sois Belle et Vote” (Be Beautiful and Vote) poster, and the March 14 coalition, who responded with “Sois Egale et Vote” (Be Equal and Vote). Parties were keen to attract women voters, but none made clear how exactly they intended to promote women’s rights.
Women will only be able to play a greater part in the governance of Lebanon if the country’s political system moves away from the traditional status quo of a sectarian system towards a more secular meritocracy. A national commission to draft a new electoral law in 2005 suggested introducing a 30 percent women’s quota, but this was rejected. If parties are serious in calling for equality between the genders, they could impose voluntary quotas within their structures to ensure that a minimum number of women run in both intra-party and national elections.
Lebanon in fact has a duty to eliminate gender discrimination. Beirut amended its constitution in 1990 to embrace the International Bill for Human Rights, thereby paving the way for international human rights to be applied to national legislation. It might be too late for this year’s elections, but with enough willingness, greater political participation by Lebanese women could materialise by the 2010 municipal elections.
So long as Lebanon continues to hinder women’s rights and prevents women from entering the political process, the country cannot enjoy true democracy. Men and women alike must work to encourage female parliamentarians. If Lebanese women have had the right to die as part of their country’s army for the last 18 years, they should also have the right to help formulate the laws that govern every Lebanese citizen, man or woman.
###
* Dalila Mahdawi is a journalist at The Daily Star, Lebanon’s only English-language daily newspaper. This article first appeared in The Philadelphia Inquirer and was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
Return to top
Muslim women: no back doors, no back seats
Seema Jilani
Houston, Texas - At my mosque, like almost all mosques across the country, women pray upstairs or at the back of the prayer hall. Watching elderly and pregnant women, often with young children attached at the hip, painstakingly traverse the back entrance and hike up concrete stairs evokes a cognitive dissonance within me as a young, progressive Muslim woman. It triggers the question: can women take on truly influential roles and achieve their full potential if they are consistently told to remain in the back of mosques, both literally and figuratively?
Asra Nomani, a prominent Muslim writer and former Wall Street Journal and Salon.com correspondent, confronts this question head on in The Mosque in Morgantown, a documentary by Brittany Huckabee which aired on 15 June on PBS. The film chronicles Nomani’s frustrating battle to achieve what she upholds as gender equality, symbolised by Muslim men and women praying alongside one another. She struggles to create an identity for Muslim women that embraces female autonomy and intellectual independence. Throughout her journey, Nomani encounters opposition from Muslim men – and women – in her Morgantown, West Virginia community.
As the film documents, Nomani was still recovering from the murder of her friend and fellow journalist Daniel Pearl at the hands of Muslim militants when she returned to Morgantown in 2003. At the same time, she was abandoned by the father of her unborn child and turned to her faith for strength. Back in Morgantown, she found that a conservative group of Muslims had been elected to leadership positions on the mosque’s governing board, leading to a practice and view of Islam with which Nomani strongly disagreed.
Nomani felt extremism was entering the mosque through certain sermons that she saw as condoning racial intolerance and domestic violence. The film highlights her endeavour to replace this ideology with one that she finds more progressive, resulting in division within the mosque’s constituents.
In the film, Nomani strives for women’s rights, such that women have the power to make decisions and take on leadership roles within their religious communities. She draws on Islamic history and rituals for inspiration. In 2003, she participated in the Hajj, the pilgrimage to Islam’s holiest sites in Mecca, which had a profound affect on her. At the Kaaba, the most sacred site for Muslims, she was able to pray alongside men, but controversy erupted nationwide when she attempted to do the same in her Morgantown mosque. The larger Muslim community disparaged this avant-garde approach to addressing feminist issues in the mosque.
The film reflects a deeper predicament in some American mosques – apathy and an unwillingness to address difficult but important issues. The majority of Muslim Americans support a vision of Islam that upholds women’s dignity. Still, few of us are willing to step up and actively speak out for women’s rights. Regardless of Islam’s rich history of promoting gender equality, the fact still remains that we are losing ground on women’s rights in certain parts of the Muslim world.
We need to do much more to give women a voice in our communities, and to strengthen the voice of women around the world.
Huckabee’s The Mosque in Morgantown engages its audience and has the potential to both empower and enrage, depending on one’s opinions. Either way, it will prompt an intense dialogue and hopefully advance the conversation on these issues. Many criticise Nomani for trying to change well-established traditional Muslim practices. However, her feminist principles are not about a revolutionary transformation, but more about returning to core principles of the religion, which acknowledge men and women’s equal worth.
Islam was a progressive faith to begin with, endorsing the spiritual equality of men and women and giving women legal standing. Perhaps Nomani expressed it best when she was confronted by a gentleman in the mosque who stated that Islam does not have any room for feminism. Her daring response: “Islam is feminism.”
###
* Seema Jilani is a physician with a concentration in international paediatric health and a freelance journalist. The Mosque in Morgantown, part of the “America at a Crossroads” series, premiered across the United States on 15 June. This article first appeared in Washington Post/Newsweek’s On Faith and was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
Return to top
Feminist’s memoir will resonate with Indonesian youth
Nur Amali Ibrahim
Jakarta - The rise of religious fundamentalism and the prevalence of conservative values, such as a belief in the primacy of men over women, have led many people to hold a negative perception of Islam in Indonesia. Yet the situation is not as bleak as commonly believed; the fiercest critics to fundamentalism and conservatism are sometimes the very people who have been long exposed to these values.
Neng Dara Affiah is one of those critics. Born into a society in which sons bear high parental hopes for their future and daughters are not expected to be persons of social importance, Neng Dara grew up to become one of Indonesian’s most well-known women’s rights activists. While she received her early education in a conservative pesantren (religious boarding school), today Neng Dara is a commissioner with the National Commission on Violence Against Women and a prominent proponent of progressive Islam in the country, championing pluralism, inclusivity and tolerance in religion.
Neng Dara’s exploration of different aspects of her identity – as a native of Banten (a region in the westernmost part of Java island), a Muslim, a woman and an Indonesian – is documented in her new memoir, A Muslim Feminist: An Exploration of Multiple Identities. The book details the challenges she faced from a young age, and provides a snapshot of the struggles of a young Muslim woman in contemporary Indonesian society.
The book shows that, like many Muslims in Indonesia, Neng Dara was exposed to different views on Islam. During her early teenage years, she flirted with a conservative Islamic ideology after being taught that religion should be the organising framework of society, a secular state was governed by the devil and religious doctrines were to be obeyed, not discussed.
During her university years, however, she rejected those earlier ideas in favour of a more tolerant and inclusive Islam. Neng Dara attended the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta, an institution that has produced numerous progressive Muslim thinkers in the country. There, she was exposed to the humanities and social sciences, participated in reading and discussion groups that addressed a wide range of topics including Islam, learned about other religions and came to accept diversity in religious thought.
As suggested by the label she gives herself – a Muslim feminist – Neng Dara’s memoir documents her personal and professional struggle to bring together the seemingly incompatible traditions of Islam and feminism. Unlike some feminists who reject religion on the basis of the belief that it privileges men over women, she operates within a framework of Islam that believes it can advocate a better life for women.
Neng Dara draws on traditions within Islam that protect and promote women’s rights and criticise misogynistic practices, including those found in her own family who believed that a young woman should marry a man of her parents’ choice, implying that women could not be trusted to make their own decisions. With much difficulty, Neng Dara won over her parents and chose her own life partner.
Neng Dara’s approach is a strategic way of disseminating ideas on women’s emancipation in Indonesia. In a society where people still hold strongly to religious traditions, an approach based on the wholesale repudiation of religion seems likely to fail.
Neng Dara poignantly describes how her feminist stance is influenced by her grandmother, a Banten native who built schools and dedicated her life to teaching and protecting the rights of both men and women. Her grandmother was an independent woman committed to her students, confident in her communication with men and unafraid to assert her rights in front of government officials. Using her grandmother’s example, Neng Dara argues that ideas of emancipation can be found locally, and aren’t necessarily imported, as is often assumed with feminism.
Certainly, Neng Dara’s account is a celebration of what she has achieved, but it is also a testament that the diverse values of all Indonesians are worth standing up for. Her experience is common among young people who are still searching for their own identity. Indonesian leaders, activists and intellectuals should look to Neng Dara’s experience to help expose those who come from a similar tradition of fundamentalism to a more tolerant and inclusive Islam.
###
* Nur Amali Ibrahim is a PhD candidate in anthropology at New York University, currently conducting research on activism among Muslim youth in Indonesia. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
Return to top
French patriotism shared across religious lines
Jean-Pierre Filiu
Paris - France currently has the largest Muslim community in Europe with approximately five million people (i.e., about eight percent of the total population), most of whom hold French nationality. This sociological and demographic fact has raised many questions regarding the level of integration or exclusion of this community, even though most polls underline the support by French Muslims to the values and institutions of their country.
Gallup recently published an interesting report (available at www.muslimwestfacts.com ) confirming this phenomenon. It shows that this support is also deepening among the just over two million Muslims in Great Britain (more than three percent of the total population) and approximately three million Muslims in Germany (less than four percent of the population).
The principal result of this study is that 52 percent of French Muslims identify with their country, as do approximately the same percentage of their fellow citizens. This patriotism is unquestionably ingrained to the same degree across the entire French population, irrespective of a person’s religion, and is all the more striking considering that French Muslims attach a much more predominant role to faith in their daily lives – by about 44 percent – than the rest of the population.
Therefore, there appears to be no contradiction between religious practice, which is stronger amongst the Muslims interviewed, and identification with France and its institutions, the degree of which was shared with the rest of the population. The French, Muslim or non-Muslim, lend the same degree of confidence to the system of governance, elections and the media.
Muslims interviewed in France seem more socially conservative than their fellow citizens, but more liberal than Muslims in other European countries: 35 percent of French Muslims deem abortion “morally acceptable”, according to the study, compared to 19 percent of German Muslims and five percent of British Muslims.
Non-Muslims in France are also becoming increasingly tolerant of their Muslim neighbours, as nearly two-thirds feel that wearing the headscarf does not impede integration. Eighty-three percent of French Muslims reject the prospect of living in socially and ethnically isolated districts, compared to 68 percent of the larger French population. This desire for physical integration distinguishes French Muslims from those of Great Britain and Germany who, by 15 percent and 24 percent respectively, prefer to live among their fellow Muslims (compared to only four percent of French Muslims).
Social integrations appears to play a major role in day-to-day satisfaction: a relatively equal number of French Muslims and non-Muslims feel that they are treated with respect in their daily lives and that the past day was worth living. They are proud of what they accomplished on that particular day.
To lead a full existence, Muslims grant about the same importance as other French citizens to mastering the French language and their professional occupation. And an even greater proportion than their compatriots (90 percent versus 80 percent) tend to lend importance to education for achieving social success, but place less emphasis on political involvement (49 percent versus 66 percent). Generally, it is not religious practice, but rather economic precariousness that is perceived as a hurdle to social advancement.
This data was published in France at the same time that US President Barack Obama’s presidency rekindled the domestic debate on ethnic and religious diversity, as well as integration of “visible minorities”. Multiculturalism, as it is understood in other Western nations, is still the subject of heated debate in France where support for secularism has often led to the rejection of any unique cultural characteristics.
As a result, perhaps the most shocking contrast is the liveliness of the debates and the calm and irreversible process of Muslim integration in France.
###
* Jean-Pierre Filiu is a professor at the Institute of Political Studies in Paris. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
Return to top
~Youth Views~ Extending friendship at the national level
Batuhan Görgülü
Istanbul - I had much to look forward to when I was accepted as an exchange student a few years ago for the AFS Intercultural Programs, a community-based volunteer organisation dedicated to building a more just and peaceful world through international student exchange. Moving from Turkey to live in the United States with a host family for a year was an entirely new experience for me.
When I arrived in America, I met my host brother, Jeremy. After spending only a few hours together we were surprised to learn that even though we live on nearly opposite sides of the world we still enjoy watching similar television shows, engaging in many of the same activities and listening to some of the same music.
We were brought up in different cities with different cultures by different parents, but all that mattered to us was who we were as individuals and that we were not going to be strangers.
Before arriving, I informed my host family that I would be fasting for Ramadan and that this practice is one of Islam’s five pillars. In a show of camaraderie and caring, my host family told me that they would wait to have dinner until it was time for me to break my fast.
The respect that I sensed from my friends and host family in the United States encouraged me to show similar respect for them by partaking in Thanksgiving and Christmas festivities. I even attended a church service on Christmas, where I felt very welcome. We then listened to carols, ate dinner together and gave each other presents, bringing the family closer, just as Eid celebrations do.
After I returned, Jeremy and I stayed in touch and he visited me in Turkey last summer. Coincidentally, during his last two weeks here, the month of Ramadan began and I explained our practice to him in greater detail, telling him that it wouldn’t be a problem if he did not join us for iftar, the breaking of the fast at sunset.
Despite his own scepticism about organised religion, Jeremy was curious and never critical. In an attempt to learn about my religion and my faith, he decided to experience fasting for himself. He woke up with the rest of my family to eat before morning prayer and did not eat again until dusk.
Although he found the experience difficult at first, he found that when we were able to eat, it was the most amazing food he’d ever had, and that the best thing about the experience was seeing everyone interacting during dinner.
Jeremy continued to fast with us until the day he left Turkey. From the moment we met until this very day, our relationship has only gotten better. When a contentious issue comes up, we solve it by looking both ways, by putting ourselves in the other’s shoes and by holding true to values like empathy and respect, even during arguments. Our continued friendship is just one small example of how open-mindedness can lead to shared understanding.
With all the talk over recent years about Turkey acceding to the European Union, there is much debate over whether Turkey’s Muslim values are compatible with the so-called Judeo-Christian identity of the EU. Theorising about how a different culture might create instability within the EU, however, is just a product of our fear of the unknown.
As my relationship with Jeremy illustrates, people can – and do – learn to understand those who are different from them. What is done at the micro level between individuals can also be achieved at the macro level, between communities and nations.
###
* Batuhan Görgülü is a junior majoring in economics at Koç University and has an interest in international relations. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 16 June 2009, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.