Human Dignity and Humiliation Studies

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find here a link to a new Peace Partnership International Initiative, The National Peace Academy.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below a list of essays contained in the Special Viewpoints issue from the Middle East Institute.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Architecture and Urbanism in the Middle East

www.mideasti.org

Essays

Labyrinth: Moroccan Medinas, by Simon O’Meara

Tourism and Preservation in Colonial North Africa, by Brian McLaren

Cairo’s Plurality of Architectural Trends and the Continuous Search for Identity,
by Ashraf M. Salama

Egypt: Modernity and Identity, by Nasser Rabbat
Jerusalem Architecture: Old Is Bitter, New Is Ugly,
by Annabel Jane Wharton

Global Capital, Urban Regeneration, and Heritage Conservation in the Levant,
by Rami Daher

The Contemporary Built Environment in the Arab Middle East,
by Mohammad al-Asad

Conservatism versus Modernism: Hesitant Urban Identity in Saudi Arabia,
by Mashary A. Al-Naim

Old Heritage, New Heritage: Building in Sana‘a, Yemen,
by Michele Lamprakos

Tall Identity…Lost Sustainability,
by Yasser Mahgoub and Anas Al-Omaim

Doha: Between Making an Instant City and Skirmishing Globalization,
by Ashraf M. Salama

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below an invitation to join a free peace and collaborative development network.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Free Professional and Academic Networking Site

in Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, Human Rights, International Development, Gender, Civil Society Development, and more

This is an invitation to join Peace and Collaborative Development Network (http://internationalpeaceandconflict.org) , an online initiative to bring together professionals, academics and students involved in Conflict Resolution, Human Rights, International Development, Democratization, Social Entrepreneurship and related fields.

The network fosters interaction between individuals and organizations around the world and currently has over 4100 members. The site is a terrific networking tool where you can find local and international partners and practitioners, share resources, read guides to careers, scholarships, internships, funding, and IT resources in the field, and exchange best practices. Discussion topics and personal blogs can be posted. The site also has a video section where members can access and view videos related to the field.

Becoming a member is fast, easy and free. Please, take a minute to visit and explore the network.

Dr. Craig Zelizer, Associate Director
Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution

Department of Government
Georgetown University

3240 Prospect Street
Washington, DC 20007

E-mail: cz52[@]georgetown.edu

Tel. (202) 687-0512
Fax (202) 687-0597

Web: http://conflictresolution.georgetown.edu
http://internationalpeaceandconflict.org

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below information on a new book: One Peace

Kind regards
Brian Ward

One Peace: True Stories of Young Activists

Janet Wilson.
Victoria, BC: Orca Books, 2008.
48 pp., hardcover, $19.95.
ISBN 978-1-55143-892-4.
Subject Headings:
Peace-Juvenile literature.
Pacifists-Juvenile literature.
Children and peace-Juvenile literature.
Grades 3-7 / Ages 8-12.

Review by Elizabeth Walker.

excerpt:
Faris Calle was stricken with grief when her friend Jorge died. She was angry too, angry about the civil war that had plagued Colombia, South America, for six generations. During this dark time, the United Nations sent Graca Machel to investigate the impact of armed conflict on children. When she asked them to express their feelings about war, a spark in Faris ignited what soon became a blaze. Twenty-six children organized an election to encourage the nation to listen to their plea for peace to give youth a vote for the right to life, family and freedom from abuse.

In One Peace, Janet Wilson brings to light the power young people can have to effect change in society. Drawing upon inspirational children from around the world, Wilson structures her book around individuals such as Faris Calle of Colombia, Zlata Filipovic of Bosnia and Canada’s own Craig Kielburger and their work. While the title suggests that all her subjects are “activists,” this is not necessarily so. Wilson also highlights children who take simple but powerful steps, such as writing letters, as well. Her own beautiful portraits of the young activists give the book a touching dimension that is unique among nonfiction texts. Wilson’s writing style is factual and direct, yet still manages to be poignant. The research that has gone into the book is commendable. In addition to her main examples, she also includes photographs, fascinating facts (such as the origin of the famous peace symbol), poetry from children in war-torn countries, and comprehensive end notes. Without being condescending, Wilson has managed to convey to her readers the importance of peace, compassion and determination. She also avoids the pitfall of explicitly emphasizing how truly fortunate children in Canada are; her profiles and facts do that on their own.

Wilson includes enough information to give young readers the important facts, but she still leaves them wanting more. One Peace is an excellent starting point for research. Its one defect is the lack of a map to help readers locate the countries and children in the text. One Peace is an outstanding addition to any teacher’s or librarian’s bookshelf and will no doubt be popular for its beautiful design and inspirational message.

Highly Recommended
Elizabeth Walker is a student in UBC’s Master of Arts in Children’s Literature program.

To comment on this title or this review, send mail to cm[@]umanitoba.ca.
Copyright © the Manitoba Library Association. Reproduction for personal use is permitted only if this copyright notice is maintained. Any other reproduction is prohibited without permission.
Published by
The Manitoba Library Association
ISSN 1201-9364 Hosted by the University of Manitoba.

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find here a link to the Dignity International November 2008 Issue.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below information on a faculty position open at Stony Brook University.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Faculty Position at Stony Brook University

Position Announcement
Center for Medical Humanities, Compassionate
Care, and Bioethics School of Medicine, Department of
Preventive Medicine

Stony Brook University’s new Center for Medical Humanities,
Compassionate Care, and Bioethics is responsible for the medical
school’s extensive and highly regarded educational programs, and for
initiatives across the university.

The Center seeks a faculty member for a tenurable position in the
ethical and/or empirical study of altruism and compassion, as these
pertain to professionalism, health, healthcare, and bioethics. He or
she should be broadly familiar with the dynamic new field of positive
psychology and character strengths, and be able to assume a formative
leadership role in an emerging multidisciplinary compassionate care
research program. The successful candidate should be able to interact
well with faculty in the humanities, as well as in the sciences and
health fields, while working closely with the Center Director, Stephen
G. Post, Ph.D.

Candidates must hold a Ph.D., be experienced teaching and mentoring
in healthcare settings, and be willing to collaborate in graduate and
undergraduate education. Candidates must demonstrate a record of
teaching, research, publication and service to allow appointment at
the rank of associate professor. Excellent interpersonal skills and a
proven ability to work in a team context are important.

Stony Brook University is committed to increasing representation of
women and minorities among its faculty and particularly encourages
applications from such candidates.

Deadline: February 20, 2009, or until the position is filled.

Applicants should send a complete curriculum vitae and cover letter
to

Secretary, Search Committee
Center for Medical Humanities, Compassionate
Care, and Bioethics
Stony Brook University
Health Sciences Center, Level 3-086
Stony Brook, New York 11794-8036

See www.sunysb.edu/bioethics
Institute for Research on Unlimited Love | PO Box 1516 | Stony Brook,
NY 11790 | US

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below the Common Ground Newsbulletin: 18-24 November 2008.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Common Ground Newsbulletin: 18-24 November 2008

Afghan widows not America’s enemy
by Susan Retik
Susan Retik, co-founder of Beyond the 11th and recipient of the 2008 Common Ground Award, explains why the differences between victims of terrorism and the so-called “war on terror” are harder to find than the similarities.

(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 18 November 2008)

No sympathy for Bali bombers
by Abdul Khalik
The Jakarta Post editor, Abdul Khalik, highlights calls by Indonesian’s largest Muslim organisations, representing an estimated 65 million Indonesians, to cease glorifying the Bali bombers, branding them terrorists, not martyrs.

(Source: Jakarta Post, 11 November 2008)

Iran and Obama’s “new” America
by Arshin Adib-Moghaddam
Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, a SOAS academic and author, examines the new possibilities of engagement and dialogue between Iran and the United States, given President-elect Barack Obama’s “internationalist” stance.

(Source: Bitterlemons-International.org, 13 November 2008)

The Karzai question
by Daniel S. Markey
Daniel Markey, senior fellow for South Asia on the Council on Foreign Relations, examines the implications for the United States and Afghanistan should Afghan president Hamid Karzai’s term be renewed.

(Source: International Herald Tribune, 17 November 2008)

Culture can heal political wounds: an interview with Yasser Hareb
by Loay Mudhoon
Qantara.de contributor Loay Mudhoon’s interview with Yasser Hareb, vice president of the Al Maktoum Foundation, highlights how cultural exchanges can foster international understanding and cultural dialogue between the Arab world and the West.

(Source: Qantara.de, 17 November 2008)

Afghan widows not America’s enemy
Susan Retik

Washington, DC - 11 September 2001: the United States is attacked by terrorists. In the blink of an eye, 3,000 Americans are killed; my husband of six years and the father of our three young children is among them.

Americans wanted retribution. I wanted retribution.

But from whom?

We are just now coming to terms with the fact that this is not as simple a question as it once seemed. Our declared enemy is not a country, or even a group; it is a tactic: terror.

We have the most powerful military in history and our instinct is to fight, to “hunt them down” and “root them out”. We have all heard the rhetoric but these words still beg the question: how do we fight “them” when “they” are spread out all over the world with no identifying uniforms? They have no singular leader, no legitimate representatives with whom we can negotiate, and seem to be bound mostly by their common hatred for us.

Though none were Afghan, some of the terrorists who attacked the United States were trained in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the Taliban government made it no secret that they were harbouring Osama bin Laden.

Thus, the United States struck them hard and decisively, embarking upon the so-called “war on terror”.

As our war in Afghanistan progressed and the American people began learning about the horrible conditions caused by decades of wars fought on Afghanistan’s soil, I became increasingly interested in the Afghan people and, specifically, in the widows there.

What I learned was eye-opening.

Afghan women – and widows in particular – are among the poorest and most disenfranchised people in the world. Under Taliban rule, women were forced to wear burqas (garments that fully cover a woman’s body and head) and were not allowed to work. Girls were not allowed to attend school.

Even after the Taliban’s defeat, life for women in Afghanistan remains bleak at best.

According to the United Nations, 85 percent of all Afghan women are illiterate and women’s wages remain about one-third of men’s. Women, especially in rural areas, can’t go out in public without a male relative accompanying them. There are about 50,000 widows in Kabul alone.

When an Afghan woman’s husband dies, his property is passed not to her, but to his family. How is she to survive? How will she provide for her children? The brutal truth is, without a husband, an Afghan woman may be forced to send her children to the streets to beg for money.

These women, I realised, are not our enemy.

They are victims of the same cruel terrorists who attacked us. And in many ways, they are paying a far heavier price. The support I received from my friends, family, community and government after 9/11 was enormous and overwhelming. But who was willing to offer help to the widows in Afghanistan?

Struck by this question, in the fall of 2003, I co-founded Beyond the 11th, a non-profit organisation dedicated to helping widows affected by war and terrorism in Afghanistan.

We achieve our vision by making grants to international non-governmental organisations with programmes designed to teach widows a trade so that they might become self-sufficient.

It is our belief that to make significant change, Afghan women must be empowered to provide for themselves, which will in turn enable them to send their children, including their daughters, to school. With education, the next generation will have opportunities and choices that this generation of women was forced to leave behind.

In 2006, I went to Kabul for the first time to meet some of the women benefiting from our grants. The women I met are strong, devoted mothers who want only the best for their children.

We found common ground easily.

When they spoke of their children, they expressed the same desires for them that I have for mine – education, access to healthcare, peace and security. These ideals are not American. They are universal.

And it is universally understood that children who do not have these basic needs met sometimes grow up to become angry, disenfranchised adults who are easily manipulated by ideologues to cause harm to others.

We ignore their struggles at our own peril.

Why? Because they are us and we are them. We have merely tricked ourselves into believing that we are different. Is there common ground between us? I offer this for consideration: our differences are harder to find and far less significant than our similarities.

###

* Susan Retik, co-founder of Beyond the 11th, is a recipient of a 2008 Common Ground Award, which acknowledges the unique contributions that individuals and non-governmental actors can make in creating and sustaining peace. This article originally appeared in The Boston Herald and was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service, 18 November 2008, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

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No sympathy for Bali bombers
Abdul Khalik

Jakarta - Leading Indonesian Muslim organisations Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), with an estimated 35 million members, and Muhammadiyah, with approximately 30 million members, have called on Muslims to cease glorifying the three executed Bali bombers, branding them as terrorists rather than martyrs or holy warriors.

Calling Amrozi, his brother Ali Ghufron, alias Mukhlas, and Imam Samudra martyrs will only inspire other Muslims to follow in their un-Islamic steps and give rise to more bombers, the two organisations said Monday.

They added that bombings, murders and other violence carried out in the name of religion would not grant the perpetrators martyrdom or a “ticket to heaven”.

NU and Muhammadiyah said the bombers’ actions destroyed the image of Islam, causing the international community to question whether the religion really fostered peace or violence.

“Glorifying the three Bali bombers as mujahid (martyrs) is a grave mistake. It stems from a delusion that such an honour can be achieved through bombings and shouting ‘Allahu Akbar’ (God is great)”, said NU deputy chairman Masdar F. Mas’udi.

He said that defending Islam must be done by “improving the Muslim community’s prosperity, knowledge and morality”.

After a series of delays, Amrozi, 47, Mukhlas, 48, and Imam Samudra, 38, were executed by firing squad shortly after midnight early Sunday on 9 November for their roles in the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people.

Mas’udi, an Islamic jurisprudence expert, said the execution of the three convicted terrorists should be seen as an application of qishas (strict Islamic law that suggests a soul be paid with a soul), which the bombers strongly believed in.

“Based on the qishas model, they still owe at least 199 souls. And that doesn’t include the injuries and the severe damage they caused to Islam and Muslims”, Mas’udi added.

He urged the government and the media to be aware that support for the three terrorists could grow and inspire a new generation of bombers because of the government’s execution delays and intensive media coverage.

Muhammadiyah chairman Din Syamsuddin also denounced the misuse of Islam by the Bali bombers to achieve their goals.

Achieving goals through violent means is not part of Islamic teachings that promote blessings and peace for the universe, he stressed.

“We reject all violence and terrorism. And jihad (religious struggle), can’t be achieved by attacking others, even those considered enemies.

We must learn after this that the use of violence and attacks cannot be tolerated in our religion”, he said.

Mahfudz Siddiq, a senior legislator from the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said Indonesian Muslims should learn not to allow radicalism and religious violence to fester in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country.

###

* Abdul Khalik is an editor with the The Jakarta Post. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from The Jakarta Post.

Source: The Jakarta Post, 11 November 2008, www.jakartapost.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

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Iran and Obama’s “new” America
Arshin Adib-Moghaddam

London - President-elect Barack Obama has already achieved a rhetorical break with the arrogant, pompous and rather totalitarian language of the outgoing Bush administration. Thus, a new grammar is being presented in which the United States is re-invented as a particularly inclusive and exceptional place where “everything is possible”.

The credo “yes we can”, already turned into a handy epithet pronouncing a newfound belief in the primordial goodness of the American cause, is not confined to bringing about transformations within US society, of course.

Obama has repeatedly emphasised the age-old Wilsonian idea that America is somehow predestined to change the whole world; outward movement is deeply inscribed in the language of this coming president. Indeed, in many ways Obama is much more internationalist in his speeches than Bush was before the terror unleashed on the United States in September 2001.

The renewed optimism induced by that rhetorical break is instrumental in curing the “Iraq syndrome” inhibiting the political elites of the country.

This is the first step toward reasserting America’s lost moral/ideological authority in international affairs. Of course, the danger is that the “Obama factor” quells the humility forced upon the right wing after the disaster in Iraq and the ongoing strategic failures in Afghanistan.

Once he finishes his project, the people of the non-Western worlds may find themselves confronted with yet another American president destined to fashion a world order in total disregard of the realities on the ground.

Does it matter if it is “one of them”, an unquestionably talented orator who emerged out of their ranks, or someone who wields the stick that beats them into submission?

In the meantime, I do believe that there is the possibility of a rather different outcome.

Iran will be the first challenge to assess if things would move toward that end. I have repeatedly emphasised that there is an opportunity for a cold peace between the country and the United States.

I am cautiously optimistic because in the Islamic Republic there has emerged a consensus that diplomatic relations with the United States are desirable.

Despite the angry rhetoric and bellicose attitudes of some Iranian neo-conservatives, which are reciprocated with equal venom by their US counterparts, there is an emergent understanding that Iran can accommodate the “US factor” in international affairs diplomatically, without compromising the Islamic Republic’s long-term strategic interests.

By all standards of rhetorical capability and diplomatic intelligence, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad appears to be an unlikely interlocutor in any Iranian-American rapprochement.

And yet, he became the first Iranian leader in three decades to officially congratulate a US president-elect, a gesture acknowledged by Obama at a news conference last Friday.

Of course, when the reformist former President Mohammad Khatami talked about dialogue and détente with the United States in the late 1990s, he was castigated by the Iranian right-wing and ferociously blamed for sacrificing Iran’s revolutionary ideals.

There have been no such complaints about Ahmadinejad’s far more proactive overtures to the United States. This is partially because Obama’s cautious rhetoric has set the stage for a new opening in relations between the two countries and partially due to Ayatollah Hoseyni Khamenei’s pre-election commitment that Iran would talk to any president other than Bush.

It is not the job of intellectuals to prophesise or to become consultants of the state, and yet we are failing in our responsibility if we do not occasionally traverse avenues that accentuate the importance of dialogue and engagement, the promises of which are worth the effort.

I think this hope that we may enter into a rather more peaceful era in world politics is why many Europeans, Arabs, Muslims, Iranians, Africans, Cubans, Venezuelans, Bolivians and others give Obama the benefit of the doubt.

There is a genuine belief that he may be able to move the Leviathan in a different direction.

But is this not yet another proof of arrogance and hubris to wish to improve the world by inventing a transcendental “Übermensch” and to lift him above reality by attributing to him superhuman powers? Does Obama represent a departure from the realm of American mythology and its engrained preponderance for self-aggrandisement or a new arrival of the same phenomenon?

Today, many Americans are convinced that they have re-established a firm ground from which they can depart once again to bring about massive changes within their country, and crucially, in the whole world.

It appears to me that such attitudes of positivist exaltation have their own dangers, that they could lead to new monstrosities, especially in the “third worlds”. So at this stage I am more hopeful than reassured that the Obama presidency will not be turned into yet another epitome of ferocity in international affairs.

But at least there is this sense of hope.

###

* Arshin Adib-Moghaddam is a SOAS academic and author, most recently of Iran in World Politics: the question of the Islamic Republic. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from Bitterlemons-International.org.

Source: Bitterlemons-International.org, 13 November 2008, www.bitterlemons-international.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

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The Karzai question
Daniel S. Markey

Washington, DC - I watched Barack Obama’s victory speech in Kabul, where his campaign promises have had particular resonance. The stage is now set for Washington to send thousands more US troops to Afghanistan, and once Obama’s new team reviews the complexities of the counterinsurgency mission there, I suspect the United States will match troop increases with greater civilian resources to support economic development projects and to help extend the writ of the Afghan state.

But an enormous gap still looms in US policy: no one is sure what to do about President Hamid Karzai. Elections are scheduled for next fall, and the Afghan capital is buzzing with questions about whether Karzai can, or should, win another five-year term.

It would be nice to say that America should support the principle of free Afghan elections and focus on process over personalities. Indeed, the defence of Afghanistan’s nascent electoral institutions and culture is a worthy cause in and of itself.

But Washington’s unmatched influence in Kabul means that it cannot sit impassively – inaction will send as loud a message as action.

The Afghan state is on external life support. Its institutions require foreign donors and its security is guaranteed by international troops.

Afghans understand these facts, so they are watching for any signal from Washington about whether Karzai will continue to enjoy American largesse.

Karzai is also acutely aware of his dependence upon outside benefactors – he has always been uncomfortably sandwiched between the Afghan people and the international community.

By all measures, Karzai remains the favoured candidate. He enjoys the benefits of incumbency, he has accumulated experience in international diplomacy, and he is one of Afghanistan’s least divisive Pashtun politicians. Unlike many other leaders who emerged from decades of civil war, Karzai is neither feared nor hated by ethnic groups outside his own.

But practically any conversation in Kabul quickly exposes a wide range of harsh anti-Karzai criticism. Many international officials cite the alleged corruption of his family and political allies, note that he has proven himself a decidedly ineffective institution-builder, and voice concern over his increasingly shrill, populist rhetoric.

Liberal Afghans suggest that Karzai has now squandered his credibility with the public, infrequently ventures outside his presidential bubble, and is too weak-willed to get much done in a war-hardened society.

Some accuse Karzai of pandering to Pashtuns, others say he hasn’t cultivated a genuine base of Pashtun support.

Many of these complaints smell of sour grapes or the inevitable disillusionment of expectations unmet. Moreover, the vast majority of Karzai’s critics tend to be united in one important way: they cannot identify a single individual likely to do a better job. The field of presidential aspirants is weak, and all rumoured contenders are flawed.

Some darlings of the international community lack grassroots constituencies. Those with great appeal in one ethnic community might alienate other influential ethnic groups and threaten prospects for national unity. Some are too bloodstained from Afghanistan’s long civil wars; others who spent time outside the country are labelled cowards of questionable allegiance.

In the fog of Afghanistan’s insurgency, the new Obama team will need to step forward quickly to determine whether Karzai is a minimally capable partner, or if he is so weak that his re-election would pose an insuperable obstacle to the effort to put the Afghan state-building project on the right track. If Karzai is deemed too great an impediment, the next question is whether – and how – to help ease him out of the presidential race before his departure from the race would itself be destabilising.

If, on the other hand, Karzai is considered minimally acceptable, Washington must work overtime to make sure his increasingly heavy-handed efforts to sideline other contenders won’t endanger the legitimacy of the election process.

Seizing upon Obama’s campaign pledges, American, Afghan and international officials in Kabul all expect more troops, more money and more attention.

Many still believe we can beat the Taliban, root out terrorists and make steady progress in the long slog toward building a modern Afghan state.

But first-order political questions are still outstanding, and they start with leadership.

Afghanistan’s own electoral timeline is already starting to dictate US military plans and assistance priorities.

On the Karzai question in particular, Obama has tough choices to make, and soon.

###

* Daniel S. Markey is senior fellow for India, Pakistan and South Asia on the Council on Foreign Relations. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from International Herald Tribune.

Source: International Herald Tribune, 17 November 2008, www.iht.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

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Culture can heal political wounds: an interview with Yasser Hareb
Loay Mudhoon

Bonn, Germany - According to Yasser Hareb, vice president of the Al Maktoum Foundation, which aims to enhance the knowledge and human resources of the Arab world and to train a generation of future regional managers, cultural exchange plays a key role in fostering international understanding and the institutionalisation of fruitful cultural dialogue between the West and the Arab world.

Qantara.de contributor Loay Mudhoon spoke to Hareb about the importance of culture in international relations.

At this year’s Frankfurt Book Fair, the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation announced that it will be commissioning the translation of 50 Arabic classics into German. What does the foundation hope to achieve with this ambitious translation project?

Yasser Hareb: This new initiative is an integral part of a series of translation projects that our foundation is managing and funding. Our objective is to familiarise the West with Arab culture and thought.

We are focussing in particular on the German-speaking world because, to date, hardly any Arabic books have been translated into German. We would like to show Germans and other Europeans the richness and variety of Arab culture.

What has been the reaction of your German partners to your activities in the field of cultural exchange?

We began cooperating with our partners in Germany in April of last year and we were impressed with how professionally our German colleagues and partners deal with cultural initiatives; we are particularly impressed by German culture management.

On 13 March 2008, our foundation signed an agreement with the Berlin-based German-Arabic cultural association West-Östlicher Diwan (West-Eastern Divan, or Council), which was founded and managed by the well-known Iraqi poet Amal al-Jubouri.

Together with the West-Eastern Divan, we would like to help promote cooperation between Germany and the Arab world in the field of culture and knowledge development.

Were you able to present any specific fruits of this cooperation at the Frankfurt Book Fair?

This year’s Frankfurt Book Fair offered us a fantastic opportunity to present recently published Arabic translations of German works. We were also able to present the first fruits of our cooperation with the West-Eastern Divan; for example, the translation of Martin Walser’s novel Ein liebender Mann (A Loving Man) and the book, Alexandria Fata Morgana, by Joachim Sartorius.

Can culture correct the mistakes of politics? What significance do you attach to culture?

I am convinced that cultural exchange can clear up a lot of misunderstandings and can even correct political errors in the long run.

Culture is the expression of what people have achieved during their lives, the aesthetics of their lives; it brings people together by highlighting common ground and helps to dissolve hardened prejudices and to expose distorted images. Culture can heal political wounds.

Could you give us an example, especially regarding the relationship between Europe and the Arab world?

Cultural exchange can become the motor of international understanding and the institutionalisation of a fruitful cultural dialogue between the West and the Arab world because it can overcome barriers.

Moreover, the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation is convinced that this fruitful exchange can help advance knowledge and human resources in the Arab world.

In your opinion, what should a fruitful cultural dialogue achieve?

In my opinion, in order to make a fruitful dialogue possible in the first place, the most important thing is to win over people for the things that bind them, the humane. After all, a successful dialogue should lead to a greater understanding of the other party.

The Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation will focus more in the future on this task with the help of numerous cultural programmes.

###

* Loay Mudhoon is a freelance writer. The objective of the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Foundation is to enhance the knowledge and human resources of the Arab world and to train a generation of future regional managers. This article, translated from German, is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from Qantara.de.

Source: Qantara.de, 17 November 2008, www.qantara.de
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below information on a workshop on lifecycle design thinking.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Workshop on “Cradle to Cradle - Lifecycle Design Thinking”

Sustainable Brands International - meet 300 sustainable product innovators and brand experts from around the world to explore global market trends and best in class sustainable business ideas.

On December 9th, MBDC will be assisting a workshop on “Cradle to Cradle - Lifecycle Design Thinking” (Parts I and II) to discuss blending Cradle to Cradle principles developed by William McDonough, Michael Braungart and MBDC, with Enterprise Development Group’s facilitated learning, to provide inspiration and guidance on how to use eco-innovation as a driver of new product development, enhanced quality, competitive advantage, revenue growth, and brand benefit.

The main conference (Dec. 9-11) will feature leading sustainability experts from MeadWestvaco, Wal-Mart, Office Depot, Panasonic, Best Buy, and many more.

To view the list of speakers:
http://www.sustainablebrandsinternational.com/speakers
To view the conference program:
http://www.sustainablebrandsinternational.com/program

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below a Call for Papers: Third International Conference on Knowledge Generation.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Call for Papers: Third International Conference on Knowledge Generation

Call for Papers/Abstracts and Invited Sessions Proposals for The 3rd International Conference on Knowledge Generation, Communication and Management: KGCM 2009 (http://www.2009iiisconferences.org/kgcm). It will take place in Orlando, Florida, USA, on July 10th - 13th, 2009.

Deadlines:
Papers/Abstracts Submissions and Invited Sessions Proposals: December
19th, 2008 Authors Notifications: January 14th, 2009 Camera-ready,
full papers: February 11th, 2009
——————————————————-
MainTopics:
Knowledge Communication
Knowledge Generation
Knowledge Management
Knowledge Engineering
Knowledge Representation
Knowledge Communication and Conferences Knowledge Verification and
Validation Peer Reviewing Scientific and Technical Publishing
Electronic Publishing Electronic Libraries

All Submitted papers/abstracts will go through three reviewing processes: (1) double-blind (at least three reviewers), (2) non-blind, and (3) participative peer reviews. All accepted papers of registered authors will be included in both the printed and the CD versions of the proceedings.

Awards will be granted to the best paper of those presented at each session. From these session’s best papers, the best 10%-20% of the papers presented at the conference will be invited to adapt their papers for their publication in the Journal of Systemics, Cybernetics and Informatics, with no additional cost for their authors.

For Invited Sessions Proposals, please go to the conference web site
or, directly, to http://www.2009iiisconferences.org/KGCM/organizer.asp

KGCM 2009 Organizing Committee

Dear HumanDHS network friends

Please find below information on the Cinebrasil und Capoeira Workshop.

Kind regards
Brian Ward

Cinebrasil und Capoeira Workshop

hiermit möchten wir auf das von unserem Partner Cinema Negro organisierte Filmfestival „Cinebrasil“ hinweisen, das seit gestern und bis zum 19.11.2008 im Filmtheater Hackesche Höfe in Berlin läuft. Ein Schwerpunkt des Festivals ist “O Negro no Cinema Brasileiro” („Schwarze im brasilianischen Film“), mit neuen Filmproduktionen aus Bahia.

Gleichzeitig möchten wir noch einmal an den von uns in Kooperation mit Cinema Negro organisierten Capoeira Workshop am SA/SO 29./30.11.2008 (jeweils von 11-17 Uhr) im Rahmen des Festivals „200 Jahre später…“ erinnern. Der zwei-tägige Workshop führt ein in den afro-brasilianischen Kampf-Tanz, dessen Wurzeln auf den transatlantischen Sklavenhandel zurückgehen. Capoeira wirkt wie eine rituelle Tanzform mit kreativen Akrobatikeinsätzen, Mimik und Körperausdruck. In den Bewegungen werden Dynamik und Beweglichkeit des Körpers, Aufmerksamkeit, Flexibilität, Reaktionsfähigkeit und Ausdauer trainiert. Mit Sidney Martins, Mestre Saulo Souza, Mourah Soarez und Carlos Silva.

Der Preis für zwei volle Tage beträgt 45€/35€ (erm.), teilnehmen können sowohl Anfänger/innen als auch Fortgeschrittene. Da die Teilnehmer/innenzahl begrenzt ist, empfehlen wir eine möglichst baldige Anmeldung unter: 200jahre@africavenir.org oder 0157-75364539.

Sa/So, 29/30.11.2008
11:00 – 17:00 Uhr
Werkstatt der Kulturen
Workshop: Capoeira als kreative Widerstandstechnik

Das ausführliche Gesamtprogramm finden Sie unter: http://www.africavenir.com/africavenir/berlin/200-jahre.php
Programmflyer unter: http://www.africavenir.com/africavenir/berlin/AFA_200-Jahre.pdf