Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity (CGNews-PiH)
October 11, 2005

The Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity (CGNews-PiH) is distributing the enclosed articles to build bridges of understanding between the West and the Arab World and countries with predominately Muslim populations. Unless otherwise noted, all copyright permissions have been obtained and the articles may be reproduced by any news outlet or publication free of charge. If publishing, please acknowledge both the original source and CGNews, and notify us at cgnewspih@sfcg.org.

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ARTICLES IN THIS EDITION:

1. “Saudi Women Have Message for U.S. Envoy” by Steven R. Weisman
Steven R. Weisman, the chief diplomatic correspondent of The New York Times, covers Karen Hughes’ visit to Saudi Arabia and challenges the stereotype that all Saudi women are unhappy. “Many in this region say they resent the American assumption that, given the chance, everyone would live like Americans,” Weisman notes, adding that many female attendees were happy to see that Hughes is open to their opinions.
(Source: New York Times, September 28, 2005)

2. “Why Saudi Women Do Not Drive” by Tasnim Saleh
Tasnim Saleh, a student at the American University of Kuwait, provides an explanation for the response that Karen Hughes received in Saudi Arabia. Looking at the social and religious reasons why Saudi women do not drive and possible explanations for what some felt was an unexpected response to Hughes’s visit, she also points to small reforms that are occurring and which may impact woman’s rights in the country in the future.
(Source: CGNews-Pih, October 11, 2005)

3. “The European Union: A quiet but powerful force for reform” Editorial
This Daily Star Editorial considers the impact the EU has had on the Middle East through their process of engagement and patient dialogue. The article outlines various EU initiatives in the region, and recommends that, in many cases, the Middle East “would do well to heed the advice and recommendations of a friendly neighbor.”
(Source: Daily Star, October 06, 2005)

4. “Turkey, Europe and the clash of civilizations” by Gwynne Dyer
Gwynne Dyer, a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries, looks at Turkey’s potential EU membership as, in the words of Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan, an opportunity for “an alliance of civilizations.” Dyer notes that this discussion is possible only because both Europeans and Turks define themselves in broader terms than religion, and makes his case for Turkey’s inclusion.
(Source: Jordan Times, October 6, 2005)

5. “Reflections on Art and Religion” by Iman Kurdi
Iman Kurdi of the Arab News network, considers the impact of a piece of artwork entitled “God is Great” that was recently removed from the Tate in London, and which consists of pieces of the Qur’an, Talmud and Bible. Looking at the piece from different perspectives, at times as a work of art, at times as it would be viewed by various religious constituents, Kurdi tells the story of how the Muslim voice is perceived in Britain today.
(Source: Arab News, October 3, 2005)

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ARTICLE 1
Saudi Women Have Message for U.S. Envoy
Steven R. Weisman

JIDDA, Saudi Arabia - The audience - 500 women covered in black at a Saudi university - seemed an ideal place for Karen P. Hughes, a senior Bush administration official charged with spreading the American message in the Muslim world, to make her pitch.

But the response on Tuesday was not what she and her aides expected. When Ms. Hughes expressed the hope here that Saudi women would be able to drive and "fully participate in society" much as they do in her country, many challenged her.

"The general image of the Arab woman is that she isn't happy," one audience member said. "Well, we're all pretty happy." The room, full of students, faculty members and some professionals, resounded with applause.

The administration's efforts to publicize American ideals in the Muslim world have often run into such resistance. For that reason, Ms. Hughes, who is considered one of the administration's most scripted and careful members, was hired specifically for the task.

Many in this region say they resent the American assumption that, given the chance, everyone would live like Americans.

The group of women, picked by the university, represented the privileged elite of this Red Sea coastal city, known as one of the more liberal areas in the country. And while they were certainly friendly toward Ms. Hughes, half a dozen who spoke up took issue with what she said.

Ms. Hughes, the under secretary of state for public diplomacy, is on her first trip to the Middle East. She seemed clearly taken aback as the women told her that just because they were not allowed to vote or drive that did not mean they were treated unfairly or imprisoned in their own homes.

"We're not in any way barred from talking to the other sex," said Dr. Nada Jambi, a public health professor. "It's not an absolute wall."

The session at Dar Al-Hekma College provided an unusual departure from the carefully staged events in a tour that began Sunday in Egypt.

As it was ending Ms. Hughes, a longtime communications aide to President Bush, assured the women that she was impressed with what they had said and that she would take their message home. "I would be glad to go back to the United States and talk about the Arab women I've met," she said.

Ms. Hughes is the third appointee to head a program with a troubled past. The first, Charlotte Beers, a Madison Avenue executive, produced a promotional video about Muslims in America that was rejected by some Arab nations and scoffed at by a number of State Department colleagues. Her successor, Margaret D. Tutwiler, a former State Department spokeswoman, lasted barely five months. A report issued in 2003 by a bipartisan panel chosen by the Bush administration portrayed a dire picture of American public diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim world.

Ms. Hughes, on this first foray, has churned through meetings in which she has tirelessly introduced herself as "a mom," explained that Americans are people of faith and called for more cultural and educational exchanges. Her efforts to explain policies in Iraq and the Middle East have been polite and cautious.

As a visiting dignitary, she had audiences in the summer palaces of Jidda with King Abdullah, Crown Prince Sultan and the foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal. But mostly it was a day that underscored the uneasy Saudi-American relationship, fed by unsavory images the countries have of each another.>

In December, there was an armed attack on the American Consulate in Jidda, leaving five people dead, and that meant that the Americans traveling with Ms. Hughes were cautioned against traveling alone in the city.

At the meeting with the Saudi women, television crews were barred and reporters were segregated according to sex. American officials said it was highly unusual for men to be allowed in the hall at all.

A meeting with leading editors, all men, featured more familiar complaints about what several said were American biases against the Palestinians, the incarceration of Muslims at Guantánamo Bay and the supposed American stereotype of Saudis as religious fanatics and extremists after Sept. 11.

Ms. Hughes responded by reminding listeners that President Bush had supported the establishment of a Palestinian state and asserting that Guantánamo prisoners had been visited by the International Red Cross and retained the right to worship with their own Korans.

Americans, she said at one point, were beginning to understand Islam better but had been disappointed that some Muslim leaders had been "reticent" at first in criticizing the Sept. 11 attacks.

"Now, several years later, we're beginning to hear other voices," she said.

But it was the meeting with the women that was the most unpredictable, as Ms. Hughes found herself on the defensive simply by saying that she hoped women would be able to vote in future elections.

In June, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice talked of democracy and freedom in the Middle East but declined to address the question of driving. By contrast, Ms. Hughes spoke personally, saying that driving a car was "an important part of my freedom."

A woman in the audience then charged that under President Bush the United States had become "a right-wing country" and that criticism by the press was "not allowed."

"I have to say I sometimes wish that were the case, but it's not," Ms. Hughes said with a laugh.

Several women said later that Americans failed to understand that their traditional society was embraced by men and women alike.

"There is more male chauvinism in my profession in Europe and America than in my country," said Dr. Siddiqa Kamal, an obstetrician and gynecologist who runs her own hospital.

"I don't want to drive a car," she said. "I worked hard for my medical degree. Why do I need a driver's license?"

"Women have more than equal rights," added her daughter, Dr. Fouzia Pasha, also an obstetrician and gynecologist, asserting that men have obligations accompanying their rights, and that women can go to court to hold them accountable.

Ms. Hughes appeared to have left a favorable impression. "She's open to people's opinions," said Nour al-Sabbagh, a 21-year-old student in special education. "She's trying to understand."

Like some of her friends, Ms. Sabbagh said Westerners failed to appreciate the advantages of wearing the traditional black head-to-foot covering known as an abaya.

"I love my abaya," she explained. "It's convenient and it can be very fashionable."
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* Steven R. Weisman is the chief diplomatic correspondent of The New York Times
Source: The New York Times, September 28, 2005
Visit the website at www.nytimes.com.
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity.
Copyright © 2005 by The New York Times Co. Reprinted with permission.

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ARTICLE 2
Why Saudi Women Do Not Drive
Tasnim Saleh

KUWAIT CITY - Recently, while meeting with women in Saudi Arabia, Karen Hughes, Undersecretary of State and latest Bush appointee to the position of American cultural ambassador to the Muslim world, was reported to be taken aback by the lack of desire on the part of Saudi women to obtain the right to drive. This probably strikes most Americans as odd, if not irrational. The Islamic ideals behind this attitude are difficult to understand, even for some Muslims.

The roots of this Saudi conviction lie in simple brainwashing. Saudi girls are brought up, to a greater extent than many Arab girls, to believe that, by not allowing certain rights, men are protecting them, nurturing them, and even pampering them. When I, a citizen of Kuwait, was eight years old, my school textbooks informed me that a Muslim woman is so precious and so dear that male dominance is a way of protecting and showing how valued they are. It is a privilege for women to be submissive, and an honorable duty for men to protect them.

Many Saudi women, even middle-class women, are quite wealthy in comparison to Western women, much less Arab women elsewhere. When a Saudi woman wants to go to the mall to do some shopping, and her husband is not around to drive her, she rarely needs to fall back on a simple cab, instead she calls, or often has, a limo! No wonder then - anyone would be hard-pressed to want to drive if they had a chauffeur and limo at their beck and call.

Indeed, the Saudis did not have laws forbidding women drivers until 1990, when daredevil feminists drove through town and were arrested, an incident that led Saudi authorities to issue an official ban. However, bureaucracy and erroneous interpretations of Islam have always combined to create additional obstacles for potential women drivers. For women to drive, they would need to have identification cards. But Saudi women usually do not have them, even though they have been permitted to obtain them since 2003.

Most often, Saudi women use what is called a family card, which simply lists the names of the females and their relationships to the dominant male. If a woman is married, the family card will identify her as the wife, and if she is not married, no matter how old she gets, she will be listed under the family card of her father. To Saudi women, getting an I.D. card means first of all getting their picture taken, and even worse, taking the risk that a man will see their picture, which is absolutely unacceptable to Saudis of either sex. Most Saudi women remain covered up all their lives when outside their homes.

At the heart of the matter is an Islamic injunction that women must have chaperons when traveling. While more moderate Muslims believe this restriction applies only to long trips, many conservative Saudis believe that, for a woman, driving a car for an hour is the equivalent of driving the car for 10 or 12 hours. Thus, any length of time in a car is "travel." Again, the problem lies in the interpretation of Islamic law.

All these obstacles are to blame for Saudi women seeing little to be gained from fighting for the right to drive. These may not be legitimate or logical reasons, but this is the way Saudi Arabia works, for better or worse. Karen Hughes should not have been so stunned - if she had known anything about Saudis, she would not have expected a Saudi woman to admit to an American that she is suffering from oppression. Saudi women are not fond of public display of dirty laundry, and they will not admit that an American, a non-believer, could be correct, right or better than they are in any possible way. They may, in fact, secretly hold different ideas, but they will never admit them to a foreigner, especially an American.

Nevertheless, quiet movement for both women's rights and democratization continues. Women even presented themselves as candidates for the recent, controlled elections in Saudi Arabia, in expectation that they would be allowed to vote. Mohammed Al-Zulfa, a pro-reform legislator on the king's Consultative Council, even publicly called for a lift on the ban, though he faced widespread condemnation. But what happens next will have to be a result of action by Saudi women themselves.
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* Tasnim Saleh is a student at the American University of Kuwait.
Source: CGNews-Pih Youth Views, October 11, 2005
Visit the website at www.sfcg.org
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

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ARTICLE 3
The European Union: A quiet but powerful force for reform
Editorial

BEIRUT - While much has been said about Washington's loud and ambitious projects to reshape the Arab world - including the Iraq war and the Broader Middle East Initiative - it is worth noting that the region is quietly being transformed by another powerful global force: the European Union. Through the process of engagement and patient dialogue, the EU has had a measurable impact on the region and will hopefully continue to be a positive force for political reform in the Middle East.

Yesterday, the European Commission announced plans to help revitalize the Palestinian economy in the wake of Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. Although the union is already the biggest donor to the Palestinians, the EC recommended that EU states earmark an additional $240 million to $360 million to help build a viable Palestinian state. What's more important is that the money is not a free handout: The EU has identified a number of criteria that need to be fulfilled to justify further EU involvement. These include strengthening government accountability, restructuring the institutions of the Palestinian Authority, reforming the judiciary and developing a strategy to consolidate the rule of law.

We have already seen the benefit of European involvement in the region through its direct interaction with Turkey. Through the framework of negotiations ahead of EU entry talks, the Europeans have prodded the Turks into implementing a number of wide-ranging reforms. Since the start of those negotiations, Turkey has abolished the death penalty, scrapped state security courts, reformed the penal code and allowed Kurdish to be spoken in schools. We can expect even greater progress on the reform front now that Turkey has started EU accession talks.

Apart from the framework of membership negotiations, the EU has also used its partnerships with various regional countries to advance the pace of political reform. The European Neighborhood Policy, which builds on the economic reform initiatives launched in the Barcelona Process, offers privileged relations with the aim of encouraging neighboring states' commitment to the rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights. Incentives such as aid and economic integration have been used to encourage progress on political reforms in Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Syria.

Europe's subtle but significant efforts to promote reform in the region demonstrate that the EU is a powerful reformist force in the Middle East. While the European approach to promoting reform has been understated and less aggressive than that of the United States, it has proven to be equally - if not more - effective. America's efforts to promote reform are often greeted with skepticism or even hostility, while the EU, which has long been engaged in the region, has a greater degree of credibility.

The Europeans recognize the importance of being promoting political reform in the Middle East and Europe's gestures toward the region now need to be reciprocated. Those states which are involved in EU efforts to encourage political reform would do well to heed the advice and recommendations of a friendly neighbor.
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* This editorial was produced by the Daily Star.
Source: Daily Star, October 06, 2005
Visit the website at www.dailystar.com.lb
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication

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ARTICLE 4
Turkey, Europe and the clash of civilisations
Gwynne Dyer

LONDON - "What do you gain by adding 99 per cent Muslim Turkey to the European Union?" asked Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan last month. And then he answered his own question: "You gain a bridge between the EU and the 1.5 billion-strong Islamic world. An alliance of civilisations will start."

You don't have to go very far in Turkey to find people who reject Erdogan's vision: the militant nationalist right, the radical left, religious fanatics and people who just worry that joining the EU will slow down the country's rapid economic growth. And you don't have to go far in the EU to find people who are equally opposed to Turkey's membership. But the official negotiations on Turkey's membership opened nevertheless in Luxembourg on the evening of Oct. 3.

It should have been the morning of Oct. 3, but the bitter argument within the EU went on right down to the wire and beyond, with the Austrian government demanding that Turkey be offered not full membership but only a "privileged partnership". Since any one of the EU's 25 member countries can block a proposal to admit a new member, it took two days of arm-twisting and bribery to get the Austrians to drop their objections, and by the end the Turks were on the brink of walking away themselves.

This "alliance of civilisations" stuff is not easy to do.

It was hardly surprising that it was Austria that was digging its heels in, for Austria was for several centuries the frontier between Christian Europe and the Turkish-ruled Balkans. It was at the second siege of Vienna, in 1683, that the relentless advance of the Turks into Europe was finally stopped, and for Austrians that crisis of more than 300 years ago remains the event that defines their national identity.

Behind the Austrians' arguments that Turkey is too populous and too poor to fit into the European Union (73 million people and only a third of the EU's average per capita GDP), their basic objection was that Christianity and Islam do not mix. Admitting Turkey would turn the EU into a 20 per cent Muslim entity, which is just a recipe for trouble. And that view was shared by a significant minority of Christian conservatives and other sceptics elsewhere, especially in France and Germany.

Pro-Turkish governments in the EU were just as prone to define the argument in "civilisational" and sometimes apocalyptic terms. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw told the BBC on Oct. 2 that "we're concerned about a so-called clash of civilisations. We're concerned about this theological-political divide, which could open up even further the boundary between so-called Christian-heritage states and those of Islamic heritage".

And you just want to tell them all to take their medication and calm down.

There is an attractive symbolism in the idea that Turkish membership in the EU would finally begin to repair the split that tore the old classical Mediterranean civilisation in two with the rise of Islam fourteen centuries ago, but it is not really about an "alliance" between Christianity and Islam. On the contrary, it has become possible only because both Western Europeans and Turks have ceased to define themselves solely or even mainly in religious terms. Many people in Western Europe and most people in Turkey are still believers, but it doesn't swallow up their whole identity.

Rejecting Turkey merely on the grounds that it is Muslim would condemn the EU to being just "a Christian club", in Erdogan's cutting phrase, but it would not trigger some vast confrontation between the West and the Muslim world. The Turks would be severely miffed, but most people in other Muslim countries already think of Europe as a Christian club, having no idea of how small a role religion plays in the public life of most EU countries. Small disaster, not many hurt.

The real reasons for the EU to want Turkey in are much more specific. The EU will have need of Turkey's relatively young and growing population as its own population ages, and Turkey's high economic growth rate (eight or nine per cent this year) would help bring up the rather modest EU average. A surprising number of Europeans also care about healing the old rift that tore Europe itself apart - for Turkey, although Muslim, was a European great power for five centuries, and was firmly established in the Balkans long before it conquered most of the Arab world.

For Turks, whose free-trade relationship with the EU already gives them most of the economic benefits of membership, the advantages lie mainly in anchoring the country in a web of supranational institutions and laws that guarantee the country's democratic and secular character. Erdogan has already used the requirements of EU membership as a lever with which to force democratic and human rights reforms on a reluctant army and bureaucracy, and membership negotiation will enable him to go further in the same direction.

When will Turkey actually join? Certainly not before 2015, by which time the economic gap between Turkey and the richer EU countries may have narrowed considerably - and maybe never, for the entry negotiations are not guaranteed to succeed. But the fact that negotiations have finally started sends all the right signals, and the talks themselves are a useful tool for Turkish reformers. That's enough for the moment.
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* Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.
Source: Jordan Times, October 6, 2005
Visit the website at www.jordantimes.com
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

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ARTICLE 5
Reflections on Art and Religion
Iman Kurdi

LONDON - London’s Tate Britain decided last week to pull an artwork titled “God is Great” from its latest exhibition. The reason? The artwork might offend Muslims. And quite possibly it might. The artwork, by the British artist John Latham, consists of a large piece of glass into which have been placed pieces of the Qur’an, Talmud and Bible.

As a piece of art, I cannot comment on it. I’ve not seen it, I’ve only seen photographs and what I’ve seen leaves me rather baffled. The artist has described the concept for the artwork as showing that all religions have the same source. Of course he means the People of the Book as we call them, and it is the very books that define us that he has chopped up and displayed artfully in glass.

The concept of Judaism, Christianity and Islam having the same root is neither news, nor is it contentious to Muslims. But is this piece of art offensive to Muslims? As a concept I don’t think so. It does not attack Islam, neither does it portray Muslims in a derogatory manner, nor does it repulse or repel. If anything the idea that the artist is trying to express is laudable.

The problem is in the execution. I do take issue with Holy Scripture being used as raw material for art. God’’ words are not paint or clay to be modeled by the artist’s hands. Our Book is sacred and should not be tampered with for the sake of art. Indeed the reason cited by Tate Britain for withdrawing the artwork is that the cutting of the Holy Book could be seen as offensive. I can see their point, but what I find more interesting is why a piece that was created ten years ago and which has been displayed in galleries in London, Oxford and Venice without attracting the attention of the book-burning brigade should now be deemed too offensive to display. And, more crucially, why this piece should be thought of as potentially offensive to Muslims, but not to Christians and Jews?

Somehow there is a pervasive belief that we Muslims are an easily-offended lot whose passions, once roused, can easily turn to violence and rage. It is notable that Tate Britain withdrew the piece not because it had received complaints about it but because it was worried that it might. This was purely a defensive move given the “sensitive” current climate since the terrorist attacks of July 7. And that is what I find worrying though not surprising: The way Muslims have been singled out as potential troublemakers.

You don’t have to go far to find the roots of this belief. There is a vocal Muslim minority who overreact to any hint of offense, underlined by a quiet Muslim majority whose religious sensibilities are easily offended. You have ample evidence of what happens when Muslims rightly or wrongly believe that their religion has been attacked. Link that with the terrorism that has now been associated with our name and you can see why the Tate was worried.

It has become too easy for us to talk hate and consequently easy for us to be feared.

But more fundamentally art is a cultural fault line, and the visual arts in particular. There is an important difference in the role that art plays in society. In Western culture, art is revered sometimes to the point of religion. It is seen as justification in its own right. By contrast in Middle Eastern culture art is not given this exalted role; art is more of a mirror than a process, its role more to illustrate than to challenge.

Similarly while Christian tradition ascribes to art a transcendental role, Islam takes the polar opposite view of seeing religious iconography as idolatry. Consequently we have radically different attitudes to art. The idea of art as a gateway to human development is not one that sits easily with Muslim thinking; we are far more likely to take art at face value. Perhaps that is why we tend to get offended. But are we being oversensitive? Is it not the meaning that matters? Take Latham’s piece. Its meaning is not problematic, it is the means he has used to express his artistic will that is difficult for us to accept. Had he painted a book rather than used a real copy of the Qur’an, no one would have raised an eyebrow.

I don’t like the idea of John Latham taking scissors to a copy of the Qur’an. Nor do I like the Tate pulling out an exhibit simply because it fears a potential Muslim backlash. But what I find most significant about this story is what it represents in terms of how the Muslim voice is perceived in Britain today. Muslim views and feelings have zoomed up to the center of the spotlight, but for all the wrong reasons.
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* Iman Kurdi is a member of the Arab News network.
Source: Arab News, October 3, 2005
Visit the website at www.arabnews.com
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service – Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

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The Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity, brought to you by Search for Common Ground, seeks to build bridges of understanding between the West and the Arab World and countries with predominately Muslim populations. This service is one outcome of a set of working meetings held in partnership with His Royal Highness Prince El Hassan bin Talal in June 2003.

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Posted by Evelin at October 12, 2005 05:57 PM